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GODS SUPERIOR--WAR AND GENERAL VILLAGE GODS. 1. AITU LANGI, or _Gods of heaven._ 1. These gods were supposed to have fallen from the heavens at the call of a blind man to protect his son from a cannibal chief. They were scattered over several villages, but did not move about in the bodies of mortals. A large temple was erected to one of them in which there were ten seats on which sat the principal chiefs. A large shell was the only visible representation of the god, and in time of war it was carefully consulted. If it stood on end and made an unusual noise they went to battle cheerfully; if, however, it only murmured what they imagined to be "Go back, go back," there was no fighting that day. Tupai was the name of the high priest and prophet. He was greatly dreaded. His very look was poison. If he looked at a cocoa-nut tree it died, and if he glanced at a bread-fruit tree it also withered away. 2. Aitu langi was the name of a village god in another place, and supposed to be incarnate in the owl. If, when going to fight, an owl flew before, it was a good sign; but if across the road or backwards they returned immediately. 2. ALII TU, or _The God who stands._ This god was seen in the Ve'a, or rail (_Rallus pectoralis_). The flight of this bird was also observed during war. If it flew before, it was a good omen; if otherwise they went back disconcerted. 3. AVE I LE TALA, Or _Take to the end of the house._ This was the name of an accoucheur god, whose priest went, when sent for, and prayed for the safety of the patient. This god is specially noted as having predicted the arrival of a powerful foreign god, who was to eat up all the gods of Samoa except one, and that was himself; and then he added pathetically through the priest to the family where he was supposed to reside, "When the great god comes, do not you all leave me, but let two still keep aloof and stand by me." On the introduction and rapid spread of Christianity many said, "The prediction of Ave i le tala has come true." 4. FONGE AND TOAFA. 1. These were the names of two oblong smooth stones which stood on a raised platform of loose stones inland of one of the villages. They were supposed to be the parents of Saato, a god who controlled the rain. When the chiefs and people were ready to go off for weeks to certain places in the bush for the sport of pigeon-catching, offerings of cooked taro and fish were laid on the stones, accompanied by prayers for fine weather and no rain. Any one who refused an offering to the stones was frowned upon; and in the event of rain was blamed and punished for bringing down the wrath of the fine-weather god, and spoiling the sports of the season. 2. Persons going to search for bush yams in time of scarcity gave a yam to the stones as a thank-offering, supposing that these gods caused the yams to grow, and could lead them to the best places for finding such edible roots. 3. Any one passing by casually with a basket of cooked food would stop and lay a morsel on the stones. 4. When such offerings were eaten in the night by dogs or rats, it was supposed that the god chose to become incarnate for the time being in the form of such living creatures. 5. FANONGA, _Destruction._ 1. This was the name of a war-god, and supposed to be incarnate in the Samoan owl (_Strix delicatula_). In time of war, offerings of food were presented to a pet one which was kept for the purpose. If it flew about above while the troops were walking along below that was a good omen; but if it flew away in the direction of the enemy it was supposed to have left the one party and gone to join the other, and therefore a calamity. 2. At the beginning of the annual fish festivals, the chiefs and people of the village assembled round the opening of the first oven, and give the first fish to the god. 3. A dead owl found under a tree in the settlement was the signal for all the village to assemble at the place, burn their bodies with firebrands, and beat their foreheads with stones till the blood flowed, and so they expressed their sympathy and condolence with the god over the calamity "by an offering of blood." He still lived, however, and moved about in all the other existing owls of the country. 6. FAAMALU, _Shade._ 1. The name of a village god, and represented by a trumpet-shell. On the month for annual worship all the people met in the place of public gatherings with heaps of cooked food. First there were offerings and prayers to the god to avert calamities and give prosperity; then they feasted with and before their god, and after that any strangers present might eat. At the same settlement a marine deity called Tamauanuu, or _Plenty for the land_, was worshipped at the same time. On that day no one dared to swim on his back off the settlement, or eat a cocoa-nut. Any one transgressing would have to go to the beach and beat his forehead with stones till the blood flowed, so as to prevent his being devoured by a shark the next time he went to fish. In time of war Faamalu was also represented by a fish, the movements of which were watched. If it was seen to swim briskly they went to battle cheerfully; but if it turned round now and then on its back that was a veto on fighting. Faamalu was also seen in a cloud or shade. If a cloud preceded them in going to battle they advanced courageously; if, however, the clouds were all behind they were afraid. 2. In a quarrel a mischief-maker would be cursed and given over to the wrath of Faamalu. If anything was stolen the sufferer would go along the road shouting and calling on Faamalu to be avenged on the thief. 3. In another district Faamalu was only a war-god--had a temple with a shell in it, and the shell was carried about with the troops. The trees all around the temple were sacred, and never used for any purpose. 7. FAAOLA, _Life-giver._ The name of a war-god. Before going to fight the people of the district where he was worshipped all met and prayed that they might be "strong-hearted" and free from cowardice. 8. O LE FE'E, _The cuttle-fish (Octopus)._ 1. This was a war-god said to have been brought by a chief called Tapuaau, who swam hither from Fiji with his cuttle-fish. When taken into a house it showed a special fondness for a piece of white native cloth by stretching over to it, and hence this white cloth became an emblem of the god, and his worshippers in going to battle were known by white turbans, which they thought would please the god and be a defence against the enemy. Before starting all assembled in the public place of the village, and one of the priests prayed as follows:-- Le Fe'e e! faafofoga mai ia O au o Fale le a tulai atu nei. Le Fe'e e! au mai ia ou mūmū fua Sei tau a'i le taua nei. Which may be translated as follows:--O Fe'e! listen--I am Fale who now stand up--O Fe'e! give us your red flaming rage with which to fight this battle. All listened carefully to the enunciation of this prayer by the priest, for if he was observed to _stutter_ in a single word it was a bad omen. The Fe'e was also supposed to be present in the white shell of the _Cypræa ovula_; hence a string of these shells was suspended in the house of the priest, and were supposed to murmur, or "cry," when war was determined on. The colour of the shells was also watched. A clear white was a good omen, but if they looked dark and dingy it was a bad one. The movements of the cuttle-fish at sea were also looked after at war-times. If seen near the shore when the people were mustering for battle it was a good sign; if far off the reverse. 2. In one place the Fe'e was a general village god, whose province was not confined to war. The month of May was sacred to his worship. No traveller was then allowed to pass through the village by the public road; nor was any canoe allowed in the lagoon off that part of the settlement. There was great feasting, too, on these occasions, and also games, club exercise, spear-throwing, wrestling, etc. A new temple was at this time erected, to the material of which every man, woman, and child contributed something, even if only a stick or a reed of thatch. Some were drafted off to put up the house, and the rest commenced to fight in real earnest, and settle any old grudges with each other. He who got the most wounds was set down for special favours from the god. With the completion of the temple the fighting ended, and that was to suffice for the year. A quarrel of neighbours at any other time, and rising to blows, was frowned upon by the god Fe'e, because it was not left till next year and temple-building day. In another district three months were sacred to the worship of the Fe'e. During that time any one passing along the road, or in the lagoon, would be beaten, if not killed, for insulting the god. For the first month torches and all other lights were forbidden, as the god was about and did not wish to be seen. White turbans were also forbidden during the festivities, and confined to war. At this time, also, all unsightly projecting burdens--such as a log of firewood on the shoulder--were forbidden, lest it should be considered by the god as a mockery of his _tentacula_. The priest at this place had a large wooden bowl, which he called lipi, or _sudden death_. This was another representative of the god, and by this the family had no small gains. In a case of stealing, fine mats or other gifts were taken by the injured party to the priest to curse the thief and make him ill. The priest would then sit down with some select members of the family around the bowl representative of the god, and pray for speedy vengeance on the guilty; then they waited the issue. These imprecations were dreaded. Conscience-stricken thieves, when taken ill, were carried off by their friends on a litter and laid down at the door of the priest, with taro, cocoa-nuts, or yams, in lieu of those confessed to have been stolen; and they would add fine mats and other presents, that the priest might pray again over the death-bowl, and have the sentence reversed. There is a story that the cuttle-fish gods of Savaii were once chased by an Upolu hero, who caught them in a great net and killed them. They were changed into stones, and now stand up in a rocky part of the lagoon on the north side of Upolu. For a long time travelling parties from Savaii felt _eerie_ when they came to the place--did not like to go through between the stones, but took the outside passage. Another fragment makes out that a Savaii Fe'e married the daughter of a chief on Upolu, and for convenience in coming and going made a hole in the reef, and hence the harbour at Apia. He went up the river also at that place, and built a stone house inland, the "Stonehenge" relics of which are still pointed out, and named to this day "the house of the Fe'e." In time of war he sent a branch drifting down the river as a good omen, and a sign to the people that they might go on with the war, sure of driving the enemy. 3. In some instances the Fe'e was a household god only. If any visitor caught a cuttle-fish and cooked it, or if any member of that family had been where a cuttle-fish was eaten, the family would meet over the case, and a man or woman would be selected to go and lie down in a _cold_ oven, and be covered over with leaves, as in the process of baking, and all this as a would-be or mock burnt-offering to avert the wrath of the god. While this was being done the family united in praying: "O bald-headed Fe'e! forgive what has been done--it was all the work of a _stranger_." Failing such signs of respect and humility, it was supposed the god would come to the family, and cause a cuttle-fish to grow internally, and be the death of some of them. 9. FUAI LANGI, _Beginner of the Heavens._ A god of one of the small islands, and seen in the sea-eel, or _Maræna_. If the sea-eel happened to be driven on to the shore in a gale or by any tidal wave it portended evil, and created a commotion all over the place. 10. GA'E FEFE, _Breathless fear._ A war-god in some of the villages, and seen in a cocoa-nut-leaf basket. It is said that during a battle between the gods of Samoa and those of Tonga the former crouched about the trunks of the cocoa-nut trees; but Ga'e fefe hid in a cocoa-nut-leaf basket, and escaped while many others were killed. Hence the _basket_ became a sign of the god, and no one would step over such a thing, supposing the god might be in it. Hence, also, if in going to fight they fell in with a newly-plaited cocoa-nut-leaf basket turned upside down it was a bad omen, and sent them back. If, however, the basket was an old one, and not lying _across_ the road, but to the one side, and "fore and aft," it was a good sign, and encouraged them to proceed. 11. LA'ALA'A--_Step over._ 1. A village war god in Savaii. Supposed to go before the troops, but invisible. When the people turned out, according to hospitality usage, to take food to a travelling party, they would arrange to lay down ten pigs. If the visitors, in recounting and shouting out in public, as they do, what they had got, said that there were _eleven_ pigs, it was supposed that the god had added _one_. Then they would compare notes, and say: "Oh yes, it must have been that old woman we saw with a dry shrunk leaf girdle." There were other instances of the "devil's dozen" in Samoa. Once, when the people were driven by a war fleet from Upolu, the god became incarnate in a _yellow_ man, went and lay down in a house, and there they killed him to please the Upolu people and stop the war, which the latter agreed to do in return for killing the god. Out of respect to the god the people of that village never used the word la'ala'a for _stepping over_, but sought a new word in soposopo, which is still a current synonym for la'ala'a. 2. La'ala'a was also the name of a god who took care of the plantations. He guarded them by the help of the god _thunder_. They never spoke of _lightning_ as doing harm, it is always the thunder. "Thunder" once struck the house of Fala and Paongo. The family rose up, caught him, tied him up with pandanus leaves, and frightened him by poking him with firebrands. He cried out in distress: "Oh! Fala, I'm burning, Oh! Paongo, I wish to live!" They decided to spare him, and make him a god to keep the rats away from their food. They made a hieroglyphic scare for him, also, of a basket filled with pandanus leaves and charred firebrands, and hung it up among the trees, that he might know what to expect if he destroyed a house again. This basket was also a scare for a thief, and an imprecation that _thunder_ might destroy his plantation. 3. La'ala'a was also the name of a god in Upolu, who was the champion of _wrestlers_. The place was supposed to be filled with gods who came to wrestle. 4. The same name was given to a god who predicted in war, sickness, and family events. In sickness the people of the village confessed crimes, and prayed that they might be _stepped over_ or forgiven. He was supposed to dwell in the mountain, and any part of it sufficed as a confessional. There was a priest also who, when he prayed to la'ala'a, became possessed, told the cause of disease, and forbade the evil conduct of the suffering culprit. 12. LAA MAOMAO--_The great step._ This is one of the names of the rainbow, which was a representative of a war god of several villages. If, when going to battle, a rainbow sprang up right before them and _across_ the path, or across the course of the canoes at sea, the troops and the fleet would return. The same if the rainbow arch, or _long step_, of the god was seen behind them. If, however, it was sideways they went on with spirit, thinking the god was marching along with them and encouraging them to advance. 13. MAO MA ULI--_Mistake and Black._ Two teeth of the sperm whale, and said to have come from Fiji, were so named, and represented the war gods of a large village. They were kept in a cave, and when the people went to fight a priest remained behind to pray for success and watch and report the position of the teeth. If they lay east and west it was a good omen, but if they turned over and lay north and south it was a sign of defeat. 14. MATUU--_Heron_, or "_Andrea sacra._" The heron was the incarnation of a war god on the island of Manono. If it flew _before_ the troops that was a good sign, but the reverse if it flew across the path. A story is told of Heron and his brother Destruction. They cooked some food one day, but it was not half done. The enraged family set upon the two. Destruction had his neck broken by a stick thrown at him; but Heron escaped by having his neck pulled long, as it is to this day. 15. MOSO. 1. This was the name of one of the great _land_ gods, in opposition to Tangaloa, the god of the heavens. The root of the word is the name of a tree--"_Cananga odorata_"--the yellow flowers of which are highly fragrant. A stone was his representative in one village, on which passing travellers laid down a scented wreath or necklace as an offering to Moso. 2. In another place Moso's representative was a large wooden bowl, decorated with white shells, and called Lipi, or sudden death, as described under Le Fe'e, No. 8. The priest received offerings from the injured, and, in lieu of them, prayed to Moso with loud crying and forced tears to curse with sudden death the unknown thief or other injurer. "Oh Moso! make haste, show your power, send down to the lower regions, sweep away like a flood, may they never see the light of another day." These were the usual imprecations shrieked out over the bowl. 3. One of the kings of the district of Atua was supposed to be a man and move about among mortals in the daytime; but at night he was Moso, and away among the gods. 4. Moso was also a household god in some families. In one he was incarnate as a man. He helped himself to food of any kind from the plantations of his neighbours, and, if chased, suddenly disappeared; and hence they considered he was a god, and prayed to him and laid down offerings. 5. In another family Moso was said to appear, but only one old man could discern him when he came. A visit was known by the old man shouting out, "Your excellency! Your excellency has come!" and some such chief's language. Then would follow a conversation between the old man and the god, all through the lips of the old impostor himself; and then the family would hear of some new house, or canoe, or food, or marriage, or something else that was wanted. 6. Moso also appeared in one family in the form of a pet pigeon called the Tu (_Phlegoenas Stairi_). When food was brought in, no water was to be spilled on the doorstep. It would make the protecting god Tu angry, and cause him to go off. In another family he was incarnate in the domestic fowl, and if any of them ate a piece of fowl the consequence was delirium and death. In another family Moso was incarnate in the cuttle-fish, and none of them dared to eat one. Another family had Moso incarnate with them in a creeper bird called the Fuia (_Sturnoides atrifusca_). If it came about in the morning or the evening it was a sign that their prayers were accepted. If it did not come Moso was supposed to be angry. The bird did not appear at noon owing to the glare of the sun. The priest interpreted to the family the meaning of the _chirps_ as his inclination or fancy dictated. 7. _Long Moso_ was the name of another family god. The turtle and the mullet were sacred to him, and eaten only by the priest. The family prayed to him before the evening meal. 8. The Fai, or stinging ray fish, and also the mullet were incarnations of _Moso the strong_ in another family. If visitors or friends caught or brought with them either of these fish, a child of the family would be taken and laid down in an unheated oven, as a peace-offering to Moso for the indignity done to him by the strangers. If any member of the family tasted of these sacred fish he was sentenced by the heads of the family to drink a cupful of rancid oil dregs as a punishment and to stay the wrath of Moso. 16. NAFANUA--_Hidden inland._ This was the name of the goddess of a district in the west end of the island of Savaii. She was the daughter of Saveasiuleo, the god of Pulotu, and was _hidden_ inland, or in the bush, when an infant by her mother, who was ashamed of the illegitimate birth. She came from Pulotu, the Samoan haedes, at a time when the ruling power was so oppressive as to compel the people to climb cocoa-nut trees with their feet upwards, their heads downwards, and to pluck the nuts with their toes. As she passed along she saw a poor fellow struggling up a tree with his head downward, and calling out in despair that he could endure it no longer. She told him to come down, and that she would put an end to it. She summoned all to battle, took the lead herself, and completely routed the enemy, and raised the district to a position of honour and equality. When she went to the fight she covered her breasts with cocoa-nut leaflets that the enemy might not see she was a woman, and the distinguishing mark or pass-word of her troops was a few cocoa-nut leaflets bound round the waist. After the battle in which she conquered, she ordered cocoa-nut leaflets to be tied round the trees, marking them out as hers, and defying the enemy or any one else to touch them. To this day a strip of cocoa-nut leaflets encircling a tree is a sign that it is claimed by some one for a special purpose, and that the nuts there are not to be indiscriminately plucked without permission. 2. Nafanua was also the name of a village god on the island of Upolu. In a case of concealed theft, all the people assembled before the chiefs, and one by one implored vengeance on himself if he was guilty. If all denied, the chiefs wound up the inquiry by shouting out, "O Nafanua! Compassionate us, let us know who it was, and let speedy death be upon him!" In war, all assembled to be sprinkled with Nafanua's cocoa-nut water before going to battle. If well done, they conquered; if not, they were driven before the enemy. Confession of offences sometimes preceded the sprinkling, as it was a sign of pardon and purification. Occasional torchlight processions through the village were held in honour of Nafanua. Cases of sickness were also brought and laid before the priest. Those who took fine mats were cured, but shabby offerings of native cloth only prolonged the disease. 17. NAVE. Nave was the name of a village god on the island of Tutuila. It was represented by a stone called Maa o Nave, or the stone of Nave. This was abbreviated and euphonised into Amanave, and is the name of the village to this day. 18. NONIA. This was the name of a village god, and was supposed to be incarnate in the cockle. If this shell-fish was eaten by any one of the place a cockle would grow on his nose. If one was picked up and taken away from the shore, a cockle would appear on some part of that person's body. May was the usual month for feasting and prayers to Nonia, for the removal of coughs and other ailments usually prevalent during that time of transition from the wet to the dry months. On the days of worship the people went about with bundles of cockles, and through them prayed to Nonia. 19. O LE NIFO LOA--_The long tooth._ This was the name of a disease-making god, said to have come from Fiji and taken up his abode about the south side of Savaii. People, canoes, or property of any kind belonging to that place, were supposed to be media by which the long tooth might be conveyed and cause disease and death. One day the tooth was visible to an old lady, and struck by some scalding greens which she threw at it, and ever after it was crooked and not so deadly. If a person recovered it was said that the tooth must have had the crook running _outside_ of the wound, and _vice versa_ in a case of death. To this day the long tooth superstition is a nuisance. A few years ago some people went to that part of Savaii to buy a canoe. They did not get it, but, from a number of deaths soon after at their village, they believed that the tooth had followed them. After a battle ten years ago a man from the long tooth district in Savaii who had been killed, was buried in a village in Upolu. After a time a young chief died there rather suddenly. The tooth was suspected by some of the old people, and so they dug up the bones of the man who had died in battle four years before, and threw them away into the sea, far off outside the reef, so as to rid the land, as they supposed, from the long tooth enemy. Like the celebrated tooth of Buddha at Ceylon, visited by the Prince of Wales in 1875, about which kings fought, the attempt to burn which burst the furnace, and, although buried deep in the earth and trodden down by elephants, managed to come up again, so the long tooth god of Samoa continues to come up every now and then after a sudden death or a prolonged disease of the knee joint, or other deadly ailment. 20. PAVA. This was the name of a war god on the south side of Upolu. It was originally the name of a man who came from the east end of the group. He and his wife went to work as usual in the bush, and left their children in the house. The children kindled a fire to cook some food. Tangaloa, seeing the smoke, came down from the heavens. He found only the children, and inquired where their parents were. Gone to work, said they. "Go and tell them I am here." The children ran off and told them there was a chief in the house. Pava made haste home, found Tangaloa, and prepared a bowl of 'ava (_Piper methisticum_) for him. A little child in creeping about the floor upset the 'ava. Tangaloa flew into a rage, and beat the child to death. He again made it live, however, but Pava got up in anger, went out, plucked a taro leaf (_Arum esculentum_), stepped on to it and went off to Fiji. After a time he came back with a son of the king of Fiji, to the amazement of everybody, and when he died had a place in the Samoan pantheon. His emblem was a taro leaf, and all his adherents in going to battle were known by taro leaf caps. The slain of that particular village were also known by the round leaf cap. Pava was seen in the rainbow. If it was clear and reflected down on the village, that was a good omen; but if it appeared far inland, the sign was bad, and a veto on any fighting for that day at least. Another story places the killing of the child in the east end of the group, and says that Pava fled from place to place, and from island to island to get away from the presence of Tangaloa. As soon, however, as he reached a fresh place and thought of remaining there, he saw the terrible eye of Tangaloa looking down on him. Off he went to another village or another island, but still the piercing eye of Tangaloa followed him, until he reached the district to which I have referred, and where the dreaded eye was no longer visible. 21. PILI MA LE MAA--_The lizard and the stone._ These were the names of twin gods, and worshipped at certain villages in time of war, famine, and pestilence. The month of May was a specially fixed time for prayers, and food offerings. The lizard was the guiding incarnation, and carefully watched in times of war. If in going to battle a lizard was seen darting _across_ the road, they returned at once. If it ran ahead, however, they were cheered, and went right on to meet the enemy. Another plan in searching for an omen was to plait cocoa-nut leaves and cover the middle post of the great house, from the floor to the ridge pole, and there the chiefs sat and watched. If a lizard from the roof came _straight_ down on the matting, that was a good sign; but if it came down zigzag, the omen was bad, and fighting suspended. Before going to the fight they met and were sprinkled with cocoa-nut juice by the priest, each at the same time uttering the prayer, "May the road I take flow with blood." 22. STONES. 1. Two unchiselled "smooth stones of the stream" were kept in a temple at one of the villages, and guarded with great care. No stranger or over-curious person was allowed to go near the place, under penalty of a beating from the custodians of these gods. They represented good and not malicious death-causing gods. The one made the yams, bread, fruit, and cocoa-nuts, and the other sent fish to the nets. 2. Another stone was carefully housed in another village as the representative of a rain-making god. When there was over-much rain, the stone was laid by the fire and kept heated till fine weather set in. In a time of drought, the priest and his followers dressed up in fine mats, and went in procession to the stream, dipped the stone and prayed for rain. 3. In a road leading to village plantations a stone stood which was said to have been a petrified coward. He and his brother entered into compact that they would be brave in battle, and implored their god that if either fled that one should be changed into a stone. The day came, the battle was fought, but one of the brothers turned and fled before the face of the enemy, and so was changed into a stone there and then by the god Fe'e. All the people as they passed inland to work in their plantations kissed, or rather "_smelled_" the stone, and in coming back did the same. Death was supposed to be the consequence of the neglect of this mark of deference to the power of the Fe'e. 4. At the boundary line between two villages there were two stones, said to have been two young men who quarrelled, fought, and killed each other on that very spot, and whose bodies were immediately changed into stones. If any quarrel took place in either of these two villages there was never any general disturbance. "Go and settle it at the stones" was the standing order; and so all who were inclined to be demonstrative in any affair of honesty or honour went to the stones and fought it out. If either of the duellists was knocked down, that was the final settlement. No one else interfered, and so, by common consent in such matters, these two villages were noted for peace and order. 5. In a district said to have been early populated by settlers from Fiji, a number of fancy Fijian stones were kept in a temple, and worshipped in time of war. The priest, in consulting them, built them up in the form of a wall, and then watched to see how they fell. If they fell to the westward, it was a sign that the enemy there was to be driven; but if they fell to eastward, that was a warning of defeat, and delay in making an attack was ordered accordingly. The iconoclast native teachers from Tahiti, in the early stage of the mission, when such stones were given up to them, had them taken off to the beach and broken into fragments, and so stamp out at once the heathenism with which they were associated. Hardly a single relic of the kind can be found at the present day. 23. LE SA--_The sacred one._ 1. The name of a war god in several villages, and incarnate in the lizard. Before going to battle the movements of a lizard in a bundle of spears was watched. If the lizard ran about the points of the spears and the outside of the bundle, it was a good omen; but if it rather worked its way into the centre for concealment, it was a bad sign. A piece of matting was also spread over one of the posts of the house, and if a lizard was seen coming down on the matting, the sign was good; but if a bare post was chosen by the creature for its descent from the rafters to the floor, it augured ill. If a lizard crossed the path or ran against any one going to battle, that also was an evil omen. 2. In some places Le Sa was incarnate in an owl, was more of an agricultural god, who sent rain and abundance of food, and was worshipped about the month of April. He was prayed to and propitiated with offerings for the removal of caterpillars from the plantations, as they were thought to be servants under his orders to forage and punish. He was supposed to be fond of the bodies of thieves, and to go at once and devour them if prayed to do so. Bad-tempered parents frightened the children by saying that they would call Le Sa to _drink_ them up. In cases of sickness the patient went and weeded some piece of bush land as an offering to Le Sa; and the consequence was often a wonderful cure to the indolent dyspeptic! 3. Le Sa in one place was a household god, and incarnate in the centipede. If any one was bitten by the reptile, or otherwise ailing, an offering of a fine mat and a fan was presented, and the god entreated in some such words as: "Lord! if you are angry, Tell us the reason And send recovery." 24. SILI VAAI--_Far-seeing._ 1. This was the name of a village war god, and seen in a bird. Flight of the bird in the direction of the enemy was a good sign, otherwise the omen was bad. 2. This was also the name of a family god, and seen in a star. 25. SA FULU SA--_Of the sacred feather._ This was the name of a village war god in Upolu. Incarnate in the kingfisher bird, which, if seen flying _before_ the troops, was a good sign. If observed to come flying towards the people as they were preparing to start, the omen signified defeat. 26. SAMA--_Yellow._ The name of the cannibal god of a village in Savaii. He was incarnate as a man, who had human flesh laid before him when he chose to call for it. This man's power extended to several villages, and his descendants are traced to the present day. 27. SALEVAO--_Sacred one of the bush._ 1. This was a war god in a number of villages, and incarnate in a dog--a white one usually. When he wagged his tail, barked, and dashed ahead in sight of the troops of the enemy, it was a good sign; but to retreat or howl was a bad omen. 2. In some places Salevao was a general village god, as well as a war god. A time was fixed for giving thanks for good crops, and prayers were offered for more. Each family took it in turn to provide food, and they feasted until it had gone the round of the village. The family who had a great display of good things was praised; but the stingy, stinted offerers were cursed. After all had prayed and partaken for the day, nothing was kept for another meal. Whatever was over was thrown away or buried. At one place in Savaii Salevao had a temple in which a priest constantly resided. The sick were taken there and laid down with offerings of fine mats. The priest went out and stroked the diseased part, and recovery was supposed to follow. At this place Salevao was declared to be a good god in raising a plentiful supply of food, and also noted for his power in keeping away other gods. A story is told of a party of gods from Upolu who were on a journey, but on coming to that place left the public highway along the beach and took a circuitous course far inland, owing to their dread of Salevao. He was generous, however, to travelling parties of mortals. When the chiefs laid down a previously arranged number of cooked pigs and other food to visitors, there was an odd one over and above found among the lot, and this they attributed to the special favour of the god (see 11). A story of his kindness to Nonu, one of his worshippers, relates that when Nonu was on a visit to the King of Tonga, he and the king had a dispute about the age of the moon. Nonu maintained that it was then to be seen in the morning, the king held that it was not visible in the morning. Nonu said he would stake his life on it; and so it was left for the morning to decide. In the night Salevao appeared to Nonu and said to him: "Nonu, you are wrong; the moon is not now seen in the morning. But, lest you should be killed, I will go and be the moon in the horizon to-morrow morning, and make the king believe you were right after all, and so save your life." In the morning Salevao, as the moon, was seen, and Nonu was saved. Such stories added alike to reverence for the god and to the treasury of the priest. 3. Salevao was the name of a family god also, and incarnate in the eel and the turtle. Any one of the family eating such things was taken ill; and before death they heard the god saying from within the body: "I am killing this man; he ate my incarnation." In a case of sickness, a cup of kava was made and poured on the ground outside the house as a drink-offering, and the god called by name to come and accept of it and heal the sick. In another family the head of the household was the priest. At the evening hour, and other times fixed for worship, all were studiously present, as it was supposed that death would be the penalty if any one was absent. 28. SEPO MALOSI--_Sepo the strong._ 1. Was worshipped in Savaii as a war god, and incarnate in the large bat, or flying-fox. While the bat flew before the warriors all was right; but if it turned round and shut up the way, it was a sign of defeat and a warning to go back. 2. But Sepo in many places was a household god. In an inland village family in Upolu he was called the "Lord of the mountain," and incarnate in the domestic fowl and the pigeon. In another family he was seen in a very small fish which is difficult to catch; and by another family he was supposed to be in the prickly sea-urchin (_Echinus_). The penalty of eating this incarnation was death from a supposed growth of a prickly sea-urchin inside the body. 29. SIULEO--_Tail of the voice, or echo._ This was the name of a village god in Savaii. Said to have come from Tonga, and able to walk on the sea. He was the fisherman's god. He had a fisherman's hut erected for him on the sea-shore, and was supposed to preside over a certain division of coast. 30. TAAFANUA--_Walk the land._ This was the name of a war god of one of the islands in the east end of the group. It was incarnate in the Ve'a, or rail _(Rallus Pectoralis)._ When the bird screeched and flew before, the people went to battle; but if it turned and flew back, they hesitated. 31. TANGALOA LANGI--_Tangaloa of the heavens._ The derivation of Tangaloa is uncertain. Loa means long, and tanga, a bag; or, as an adjective, freedom from restriction. The unrestricted, or unconditioned, may therefore fairly be regarded as the name of this Samoan Jupiter. Tangaloa langi tuavalu, Tangaloa of the eighth heaven; Tangaloa faatupu nuu, Tangaloa the creator of lands; Tangaloa asiasi nuu, Tangaloa the visitor of lands; Tangaloa lafoai nuu, Tangaloa the abandoner of lands--these were some of the names by which this god superior was known. 1. At one place he was seen in the moon, and principally worshipped in the month of May. He was also incarnate in the Turi, or snipe. At the stated time of worship no one went from home, and no strangers were allowed to pass through the land. Only men were allowed to partake in the offerings of food; women and children were excluded from any share. 2. At another place his image was a large wooden bowl, said to have come from Fiji. He was also supposed to be present in a hollow stone. A temple was built for him there, and called "The house of the gods." It was carefully shut up all round; thinking that if it was not so, the gods would get out and in too easily, and be all the more destructive. Offerings were presented on war occasions; and he was also presented with gifts, and had prayers offered to him, before going to fish, before planting some fresh section of bush land, and also in times of sickness or special epidemic. It was firmly believed that if there was no prayer to Tangaloa there could be no blessing. Thunder was a sign that the prayer was heard. Slight tremulous reverberation, however, was a sign rather of rejected prayer and threatened punishment. 3. In another district Tangaloa was said to have come along the ocean in a canoe, with seven of a crew, and to have taken up his abode in the bush inland of the settlement. Confused noises from the bush there were supposed to be the murmurs of the gods, and a cause of death in the village. When war broke out two of the chiefs went inland to consult Tangaloa. One sat down in front of the sacred grove of high trees, and the other went round behind. This man was covered from head to foot with leaves, and had only a hole left for the eyes. No creepers ran up the trees, and no leaves were allowed to be seen on the small stones under the trees, as it was supposed the god was in the stones. If the stones appeared separated and unusually far apart, that was a sign that the district was about to be broken up and killed or banished. But if the stones were huddled together, that was a good omen, and indicated union, victory, and strength. 32. TAPAAI--_Beckoning._ This was a war god of a family on Tutuila. He was supposed to be present in a trumpet-shell. When the people were about to go to war the shell was blown by the priest, and all listened. If it blew rough and hollow it was a bad sign; but if clear and euphonic all were cheered, and went off joyfully under the good omen. 33. TAEMA--_Glittering black._ 1. The name of a war god incarnate in the kingfisher bird. If it flew right on before the troops without returning it was a good sign. There was also a temple with only one opening. In times of difficulty the old men of the place went inside and addressed the god, who replied in a human voice, but no body was seen. 2. This was also the name of a goddess said to have been found by some fishermen swimming between Tutuila and Upolu. They covered her with some fine native cloth, and conveyed her to a place in the bush, where they built a temple for her. Offerings of food and fine mats were taken to the place, and laid before two men who acted as priests. On the change from heathenism to Christianity these men had a large quantity of fine mats among the temple treasures. The temple was destroyed, and with the fine mats pigs were bought, and a grand feast was the final adieu to the darkness and follies of the past. 3. In another place Taema was a war god, and present in a bundle of sharks' teeth. These curiosities were done up in a piece of native cloth, and consulted before going to battle. If the bundle felt heavy, that was a bad omen; but if light, the sign was good, and off they went to the fight. 4. Taema and Tila fainga, or Tila the _sportive_, were the goddesses of the tattooers. They swam from Fiji to introduce the craft to Samoa, and on leaving Fiji were commissioned to sing all the way, "Tattoo the women, but not the men." They got muddled over it in the long journey, and arrived at Samoa singing, "Tattoo the _men_ and not the women." And hence the universal exercise of the blackening art on the men rather than the women. 5. Taema and Titi were the names of two household gods in a family at the east end of the group. They were twins, and _Siamese_. Their bodies were united back to back. They swam from the east, and as they came along the one said to the other: "What a pity it is that we can only hear each other's voice, but cannot see each other's face!" On this they were struck by a wave, which cleaved asunder the joining and separated them. Members of the family going on a journey were supposed to have these gods with them as their guardian angels. Everything _double_--such as a double yam, two bananas adhering, etc.--was sacred, and not to be used under penalty of death. It was also forbidden for any member of the family to sit back to back, lest it should be considered mockery and insult to the gods, and incur displeasure. 34. TAISUMALIE--_Tide gently rising._ 1. This was the name of a lady in Upolu who went away among the gods, was worshipped first by her family, and then by all the people of the land where she resided. She spoke through one of the heads of the family. The bat also was an incarnation, and an unusual number of them came about the temple in time of war. One flying ahead of the troops was always a good omen. If a neighbour killed a bat, it might lead to war to avenge the insult. Another representative of this deity was a shrub (_Ascarina lanceolata_). The leaf of the ti (_Dracaena terminalis_) was carried as a banner wherever the troops went. June was the usual month for special worship. All kinds of food from the land and the sea were provided as a feast, but only the one family of the priest was allowed to partake. Whatever was over after the meal was buried at the beach. After that followed club exercise, and in terrible earnest they battered each other's scalps till the blood streamed down and over their faces and bodies; and this as an offering to the deity. Old and young, men, women, and children, all took part in this general _mêlée_ and blood-letting, in the belief that Taisumalie would thereby be all the more pleased with their devotedness, and answer prayer for health, good crops, and success in battle. 2. This was also the name of a war god in Savaii. Incarnate in a man and spoke through him. When the war fleet was about to cross to another island to fight, they went out from the shore half a mile and then returned to a streamlet where they prayed for success, and were sprinkled or purified, and then went off to the fight, free, as they thought, from any delinquency curse which might have been resting upon them. This deity was also supposed to be incarnate in the sea eel (_Muraena_). In a village where the first Christian native teachers were located one of them caught an eel and had it cooked. Two lads of the place who were their servants ate a bit at the evening meal. As soon as the people heard that these lads had "eaten the god," they mustered, gave them a beating, and dragged them off to a cooking house. They laid them down in the oven pit, and covered them with leaves _as if_ they had been killed, and were now to be cooked as a peace-offering to avert the wrath of the deity. It was expected that the lads would immediately die, but as nothing amiss happened to them beyond the weals of the rods used by mortals, it was concluded that Taisumalie was a mere sham, and that they had better now turn to the God of heaven. 3. Taisumalie was also the name of a household god, and worshipped among various families in different parts of the group. (1.) In one place a member of the family was the incarnation, and consulted on everything of importance. Before going to war each one would ask whether he should go, what was to befall him, etc. If wounds or death were predicted, the person would perhaps turn round and beat the priest for giving _such_ a response! (2.) In another place this god was incarnate in an old man who acted as the doctor of the family. The neighbours also took in their sick to him. His principal remedy was to rub the affected part with oil, and then shout out at the top of his voice five times the word Taisumalie, and five times also call him to come and heal. This being done, the patient was dismissed to wait a recovery. On recovery the family had a feast over it, poured out on the ground a cup of kava to the god, thanked for healing and health, and prayed that he might continue to turn his _back_ towards them for protection, and set his _face_ against all the enemies of the family. (3.) To another family he was incarnate in the cuttle-fish (_Octopus_). To another in the mullet. To another in the turtle. If, through a stranger or by any member of the family, an incarnation had been cooked in the family oven, it could not be used again until some one had been laid there as a mock burnt-offering, and gone through the "make-believe" process of cooking. It was death to the family if the oven was used without this ceremony. 35. TILI TILI--_Swift._ A village god in Upolu, noted for mischief-making, and supposed to be the cause of quarrels, war, and darkness. Seen in the lightning. If there was much of it in a time of war it was believed that the god had come to help and direct. Constant lightning in a particular place indicated an ambushment of the enemy. Continued flashes in front was a sign that the troops of the enemy were driven. But if the lightning moved from the front backwards, that betokened danger, and was an order to retreat. 36. TITI USI--_Glittering leaf girdle._ The name of a village god in Savaii, and worshipped at the new moon, when he appeared to them like a bright shining leaf girdle. At that time all work was suspended for a day or two. The cocoa-nut leaf blinds were kept down, and the people sat still in their houses. Any one walking in front of the house risked a beating. After prayer and feasting a man went about and blew a shell-trumpet as a sign to all that the ceremonies were over, and that the usual routine of village and family life might be resumed. Out of respect to the god the name of the leaf girdle, titi, was changed into savalinga, or walking. The said girdle is made of the ti leaves (_Dracaena terminalis_). 37. TONGO--_Mangrove._ 1. This was the name of a war god, and incarnate in the owl. If it hovered over or flew before the troops, that was a sign of victory. If it crossed the path or flew back on them, that was a warning to retreat. A dead owl found under a tree in the settlement was at once covered over with a piece of white native cloth by the person who discovered it. Then all the village would assemble around it, sit down and beat and bruise their foreheads with any stones they could lay their hands on. This was "an offering of blood" to Tongo, and, with an accompanying death wail, expressed their sympathy with the god over the calamity. Tongo, however, still existed, and was seen in all the remaining owls, which continued to be his incarnations. 2. There was also a family god of this name, and incarnate in the mullet. If any one of that household ate a piece of that fish it brought on a curse in the form of a _squint_. 38. TU--_Stand._ Stand was the name of this war god, as he was said never to sit down. He was incarnate in the rail. If the bird appeared reddish and glossy, it was a sign the people were to go to war. If dark and dingy, the omen was bad, and they were ordered to sit still. 39. TUFI--_To pick up._ A cocoa-nut tree spear ten feet long was the idol representative of this war god. When the people met for worship the spear was stood up, and offerings were laid before it. It was taken in the war fleet also as a sign that Tu was with them. In time of peace Tu was a doctor, and supposed to be powerful in removing sickness in return for prayers and offerings. 40. TURIA--_Driven._ This was the name of a god in Savaii by whose help a district once fought and conquered against fearful odds. He was of use in peace also as well as in times of war. He could change the drought into rainy weather, and this again into sunshine. He was also supposed to come with his share of food for the entertainment of strangers, and add a pig to the number prepared by the people. If six were laid down, the guests found, when they separated the heap of dainties they had received, that there would be _seven_ instead of six. The trick of adding secretly a pig was carried on by some of the priesthood, and, in the eyes of the credulous multitude, added vastly to the wonder-working power of Turia. On another island the shrine of Turia was a very smooth stone in a sacred grove. The priest was careful to weed all round about, and covered it with branches to keep the god warm. When praying on account of war, drought, famine, or epidemic, the branch _clothes_ were carefully renewed. No one dared to touch this stone, lest a poisonous and deadly influence of some kind should at once radiate from it to the transgressor. 41. TUIFITI--_King of Fiji._ This was the name of a village god in Savaii supposed to be incarnate in a man who walked about but was never visible to the people of the place. He could be seen, however, by strangers. For instance, if a large travelling party were spending a day at the settlement, and entertained in the usual way by every inhabitant turning out to march in procession to the guests, each with a basket of cooked food, the god would be among them. This was known by two things. First, more pigs by one, two, or three than the chiefs arranged to provide; and secondly, by the guests after the ceremony putting such a question as, "Whose son was that handsome young man dressed with a girdle of fancy bush leaves?" while at the same time no one of the place had seen such a person. The special abode of Tuifiti was a grove of large and durable trees called Ifilele, or _Afzelia bijuga_. No one dared to cut that timber. A story is told of a party from Upolu who once attempted it, and the consequence was that _blood_ flowed from the tree and that the sacrilegious strangers all took ill and died. In later times the trees fell harmlessly under the axes of the villagers, and were very useful in building a house for their missionary. 42. TUNA MA FATA--_The Eel and the Litter._ There are two mountains at the west end of Upolu with a stream between them. On the one mountain Tuna lived, and on the other Fata. They were in the habit of meeting at the stream close by the habitat of a great eel. With this they amused themselves by taking it out of the water and carrying it about shoulder high on a litter. 43. VAVE--_Swift._ 1. This was the name of a war god in Savaii, said to have come from Tonga, and incarnate in the Manualii (_Porphyris Samoensis_). Bird of Lii, or Bird of Chiefs, the word may be translated. If it flew about and behind the war party, they were encouraged and sure of victory; but if the bird fluttered about before them, it was a sign of defeat. Again, if in time of peace it was seen pecking at the ridge pole of the house, that was a sign of a coming disturbance, and the pressure of some heavy fine. When the people mustered in the village for battle, and before going off to meet the enemy, they were first of all sprinkled with the juice of a cocoa-nut, and then all united with the priest in the following prayer:-- "Our own Lord Vave! Level up the stumps of the trees, Take away the rough stones, Give light to our eyes, And let blood flow in our path." 2. In another village in Upolu Vave was incarnate in a pigeon which was carefully kept and fed by the different members of the family in turn. But the special residence of Vave there was an old tree inland of the village which was a "place of refuge" for murderers and other capital offenders. If that tree was reached by the criminal he was safe, and the avenger of blood could pursue no farther, but wait investigation and trial. It is said that the king of a division of Upolu, called Atua, once lived at that spot. After he died the house fell into decay, but the tree was fixed on as representing the departed king, and out of respect for his memory it was made the substitute of a living and royal protector. It was called "O le asi pulu tangata," _the asi tree the refuge of men_. This reminds me of what I once heard from a native of another island. He said that at one time they had been ten years without a king, and so anxious were they to have some protecting substitute, that they fixed upon a large O'a tree (_Bischoffia Javanica_), and made it the representative of a king, and an asylum for the thief or the homicide when pursued by the injured in hot haste for vengence. 3. Vave was also the name of a war god in another village, and incarnate in the Ve'a, or rail bird. When it was heard chattering, or "scolding," as they called it, at midnight, it prognosticated an attack next day, and they would at once send off the women and children to a place of safety. When offerings of food were presented at the temple of Vave, long poles were erected, one at each corner, and these were covered with fragrant-scented leaves and flowers. When they started to fight they prayed and professed to be guided by the flight of the Ve'a. If it flew before them that was enough, they followed. A notable instance of the power of Vave is given in an account of the battle with the Tongan invaders. Many were killed in single combat by a hero called One. Vave was once more implored to help, and that very day One was killed at a single blow by a chief called Tuato, and hence the proverb which obtains to the present day: "Ua 'ai tasi Tuato, or Tuato bites but once." The power of Vave was again seen in another way. A number of gods came to raise a rocky precipice right between the village and the ocean. Vave, however, was immediately up in arms against them, and drove them off for miles along the coast into another district, where they effected their object and made the beach there a great high iron-bound shore, which remains to the present day. 4. In another place Vave was the name of a household god, and incarnate in the eel. If any one of the family was sick, Vave was prayed to in the evening. Next morning a search was made among the bundles of mats and other property. If an eel was found among them it was a sign of death; if not, it was a sign of recovery. CHAPTER V.
PolynesianAdversitiesAttainment
Polynesian Mythology
Aboriginal Australian31 quotes →
Dinewan the emu, being the largest bird, was acknowledged as king by the other birds. The Goomblegubbons, the bustards, were jealous of the Dinewans. Particularly was Goomblegubbon, the mother, jealous of the Diriewan mother. She would watch with envy the high flight of the Dinewans, and their swift running. And she always fancied that the Dinewan mother flaunted her superiority in her face, for whenever Dinewan alighted near Goomblegubbon, after a long, high flight, she would flap her big wings and begin booing in her pride, not the loud booing of the male bird, but a little, triumphant, satisfied booing noise of her own, which never failed to irritate Goomblegubbon when she heard it. Goomblegubbon used to wonder how she could put an end to Dinewan's supremacy. She decided that she would only be able to do so by injuring her wings and checking her power of flight. But the question that troubled her was how to effect this end. She knew she would gain nothing by having a quarrel with Dinewan and fighting her, for no Goomblegubbon would stand any chance against a Dinewan, There was evidently nothing to be gained by an open fight. She would have to effect her end by cunning. One day, when Goomblegubbon saw in the distance Dinewan coming towards her, she squatted down and doubled in her wings in such a way as to look as if she had none. After Dinewan had been talking to her for some time, Goomblegubbon said: "Why do you not imitate me and do without wings? Every bird flies. The Dinewans, to be the king of birds, should do without wings. When all the birds see that I can do without wings, they will think I am the cleverest bird and they will make a Goomblegubbon king." "But you have wings," said Dinewan. "No, I have no wings." And indeed she looked as if her words were true, so well were her wings hidden, as she squatted in the grass. Dinewan went away after awhile, and thought much of what she had heard. She talked it all over with her mate, who was as disturbed as she was. They made up their minds that it would never do to let the Goomblegubbons reign in their stead, even if they had to lose their wings to save their kingship. At length they decided on the sacrifice of their wings. The Dinewan mother showed the example by persuading her mate to cut off hers with a combo or stone tomahawk, and then she did the same to his. As soon as the operations were over, the Dinewan mother lost no time in letting Goomblegubbon know what they had done. She ran swiftly down to the plain on which she had left Goomblegubbon, and, finding her still squatting there, she said: "See, I have followed your example. I have now no wings. They are cut off." "Ha! ha! ha!" laughed Goomblegubbon, jumping up and dancing round with joy at the success of her plot. As she danced round, she spread out her wings, flapped them, and said: "I have taken you in, old stumpy wings. I have my wings yet. You are fine birds, you Dinewans, to be chosen kings, when you are so easily taken in. Ha! ha! ha!" And, laughing derisively, Goomblegubbon flapped her wings right in front of Dinewan, who rushed towards her to chastise her treachery. But Goomblegubbon flew away, and, alas! the now wingless Dinewan could not follow her. Brooding over her wrongs, Dinewan walked away, vowing she would be revenged. But how? That was the question which she and her mate failed to answer for some time. At length the Dinewan mother thought of a plan and prepared at once to execute it. She hid all her young Dinewans but two, under a big salt bush. Then she walked off to Goomblegubbons' plain with the two young ones following her. As she walked off the morilla ridge, where her home was, on to the plain, she saw Goomblegubbon out feeding with her twelve young ones. After exchanging a few remarks in a friendly manner with Goomblegubbon, she said to her, "Why do you not imitate me and only have two children? Twelve are too many to feed. If you keep so many they will never grow big birds like the Dinewans. The food that would make big birds of two would only starve twelve." Goomblegubbon said nothing, but she thought it might be so. It was impossible to deny that the young Dinewans were much bigger than the young Goomblegubbons, and, discontentedly, Goomblegubbon walked away, wondering whether the smallness of her young ones was owing to the number of them being so much greater than that of the Dinewans. It would be grand, she thought, to grow as big as the Dinewans. But she remembered the trick she had played on Dinewan, and she thought that perhaps she was being fooled in her turn. She looked back to where the Dinewans fed, and as she saw how much bigger the two young ones were than any of hers, once more mad envy of Dinewan possessed her. She determined she would not be outdone. Rather would she kill all her young ones but two. She said, "The Dinewans shall not be the king birds of the plains. The Goomblegubbons shall replace them. They shall grow as big as the Dinewans, and shall keep their wings and fly, which now the Dinewans cannot do." And straightway Goomblegubbon killed all her young ones but two. Then back she came to where the Dinewans were still feeding. When Dinewan saw her coming and noticed she had only two young ones with her, she called out: "Where are all your young ones?" Goomblegubbon answered, "I have killed them, and have only two left. Those will have plenty to eat now, and will soon grow as big as your young ones." "You cruel mother to kill your children. You greedy mother. Why, I have twelve children and I find food for them all. I would not kill one for anything, not even if by so doing I could get back my wings. There is plenty for all. Look at the emu bush how it covers itself with berries to feed my big family. See how the grasshoppers come hopping round, so that we can catch them and fatten on them." "But you have only two children." "I have twelve. I will go and bring them to show you." Dinewan ran off to her salt bush where she had hidden her ten young ones. Soon she was to be seen coming back. Running with her neck stretched forward, her head thrown back with pride, and the feathers of her boobootella swinging as she ran, booming out the while her queer throat noise, the Dinewan song of joy, the pretty, soft-looking little ones with their zebra-striped skins, running beside her whistling their baby Dinewan note. When Dinewan reached the place where Goomblegubbon was, she stopped her booing and said in a solemn tone, "Now you see my words are true, I have twelve young ones, as I said. You can gaze at my loved ones and think of your poor murdered children. And while you do so I will tell you the fate of your descendants for ever. By trickery and deceit you lost the Dinewans their wings, and now for evermore, as long as a Dinewan has no wings, so long shall a Goomblegubbon lay only two eggs and have only two young ones. We are quits now. You have your wings and I my children." And ever since that time a Dinewan, or emu, has had no wings, and a Goomblegubbon, or bustard of the plains, has laid only two eggs in a season.
Aboriginal AustralianAdversitiesAttainment
Australian Legendary Tales 1

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234 topics across 6 categories

spiritual

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God

spiritual

The concept of God refers to a higher power or ultimate reality across various spiritual traditions. Many traditions converge on the idea of a unified, all-encompassing force. However, they diverge in their understanding and characterization of this force.

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Oneness

spiritual

Oneness refers to the universal concept of interconnectedness across world spiritual traditions. Traditions converge in acknowledging a unified reality, but diverge in their understanding of its nature. They offer unique perspectives on achieving and experiencing oneness.

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Vision

spiritual

Across spiritual traditions, vision refers to inner insight or intuition. Many traditions converge on the importance of vision for guidance and wisdom. However, they diverge in their understanding of its nature and source.

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Naam (Divine Name)

spiritual

Across traditions, Naam refers to the divine name or sound. Many converge on its spiritual significance, acknowledging its power. Traditions diverge in interpretation and practice, offering unique perspectives.

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Guru

spiritual

The concept of a guru represents a spiritual guide or mentor across various world traditions. These traditions converge in acknowledging the importance of a guru in facilitating spiritual growth and self-discovery. They diverge in their specific roles, responsibilities, and relationships with disciples, reflecting unique cultural and philosophical perspectives.

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Heart

spiritual

Across world spiritual traditions, the concept of the heart often represents a symbol of emotional and spiritual core. Traditions converge in acknowledging the heart's significance, but diverge in their interpretations. They offer unique perspectives on its role and meaning.

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Soul

spiritual

The concept of soul refers to the essential, non-physical aspect of a being across various spiritual traditions. Many traditions converge on the idea that the soul is a vital, immutable part of an individual. However, they diverge in their understanding of the soul's nature, purpose, and relationship to the material world.

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Attainment

spiritual

The topic of attainment refers to the achievement of spiritual goals across various traditions. Many traditions converge in their emphasis on self-realization and enlightenment. However, they diverge in their methods and interpretations of attainment.

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Blessings

spiritual

Across world spiritual traditions, blessings refer to divine favors or gifts. Various traditions converge on the idea that blessings bring positivity and goodness. They diverge in their understanding of how blessings are received and their purposes.

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Divine Name

spiritual

The Divine Name refers to a sacred concept across world spiritual traditions, often symbolizing the ultimate reality or divine essence. Many traditions converge on the idea that the Divine Name holds profound spiritual significance and power. However, traditions diverge in their interpretations and uses of the Divine Name, offering unique perspectives and understandings.

+66 more in spiritual →

concept

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Nature

concept

Across world spiritual traditions, nature refers to the physical world and its interconnected systems. Many traditions converge on the idea that nature holds spiritual significance and deserves respect. They diverge, however, in their specific perspectives on nature's role and meaning.

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Universe

concept

The universe is a complex concept representing the totality of existence. Spiritual traditions converge on its interconnectedness and sacredness. They diverge in their interpretations of its nature and purpose.

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Society

concept

Across world spiritual traditions, society refers to the collective human experience and its structures. Many traditions converge on the importance of community and social responsibility. They diverge in their views on the role of individual freedom versus collective harmony.

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Thinking

concept

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Knowledge

concept

Across world spiritual traditions, knowledge refers to understanding and insight. Traditions converge on the importance of knowledge for spiritual growth. They diverge in the sources and methods of acquiring knowledge.

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Time

concept

Across spiritual traditions, time is understood as a complex and multifaceted concept. Various traditions converge on the idea that time is relative and influenced by human perception. They diverge in their interpretations of time's nature and significance, offering unique perspectives.

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Mind

concept

Across spiritual traditions, the concept of mind refers to the realm of thought, perception, and consciousness. Traditions converge on the idea that the mind plays a crucial role in shaping our experiences and understanding of reality. However, they diverge in their perspectives on the nature, functions, and potential of the mind.

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World

concept

The topic "World" encompasses various notions across spiritual traditions, often referring to the physical realm and human experience. Many traditions converge on the idea that the world is interconnected and sacred. They diverge, however, in their perspectives on the world's nature, purpose, and human role within it.

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Language

concept

Language refers to the symbols and sounds used to convey meaning. Across traditions, there is convergence on its power to shape reality. Divergence occurs in the emphasis and interpretation of language's role in spirituality.

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Reality

concept

Across world spiritual traditions, reality refers to the fundamental nature of existence. Traditions converge on the idea that reality is multifaceted and complex. However, they diverge in their perspectives on its ultimate meaning and composition.

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value

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Truth

value

Across world spiritual traditions, truth refers to a profound and often transcendent reality. Various traditions converge on the importance of seeking and understanding truth. However, they diverge in their perspectives on what constitutes truth and how it can be attained.

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Greatness

value

Across spiritual traditions, greatness generally refers to a state of exceptional human achievement or spiritual attainment. Various traditions converge on the idea that greatness involves cultivating inner qualities such as wisdom and compassion. They diverge in their perspectives on the path to achieving greatness, with some emphasizing individual effort and others stressing the role of divine guidance or community.

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Love

value

Across world spiritual traditions, love is a profound and multifaceted concept. Many traditions converge on the idea that love is a fundamental force for connection and unity. However, they diverge in their understandings of its nature and expression.

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Understanding

value

Understanding refers to the pursuit of knowledge and insight across spiritual traditions. Various traditions converge on the importance of self-awareness and introspection. They diverge in their approaches and interpretations, offering unique perspectives.

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Strength

value

Inner and spiritual strength drawn from the divine; distinct from courage (facing fear) or endurance (persisting).

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Harmony

value

Harmony refers to a state of balance and unity across world spiritual traditions. Many traditions converge on the importance of harmony within oneself and with nature. They diverge in their approaches to achieving harmony, offering unique perspectives on its meaning and application.

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Mercy

value

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Sincerity

value

Sincerity refers to authenticity and genuineness in one's intentions and actions across various spiritual traditions. Many traditions converge on the importance of sincerity in spiritual growth and development. They diverge in their perspectives on how to cultivate sincerity, offering unique practices and guidelines.

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Unity

value

The concept of Unity refers to the interconnectedness and oneness of all things across world spiritual traditions. Many traditions converge on the idea that Unity is a fundamental aspect of the universe, promoting harmony and balance. However, they diverge in their interpretations and approaches to achieving Unity, offering unique perspectives and practices.

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Humility

value

Across world spiritual traditions, humility refers to a state of modesty and lowliness. Many traditions converge on the importance of humility as a path to spiritual growth and self-awareness. However, they diverge in their approaches and interpretations, offering unique perspectives on its practice and significance.

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conduct

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Speech

conduct

Across spiritual traditions, speech refers to the powerful act of expression. Many traditions converge on the idea that mindful speech is essential for personal and communal harmony. However, they diverge in their specific teachings and emphasis on the role of speech in spiritual growth.

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Action

conduct

Action refers to the concept of taking deliberate steps towards a goal or intention. Spiritual traditions converge on the importance of mindful and purposeful action, emphasizing its role in personal growth and transformation. However, they diverge in their approaches and philosophies, offering unique perspectives on the nature and significance of action.

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Praise

conduct

Praise refers to expressions of gratitude and admiration across world spiritual traditions. Many traditions converge on the idea that praise uplifts the spirit and connects individuals to a higher power. However, traditions diverge in their specific practices and interpretations of praise.

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Offering

conduct

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Service

conduct

Across spiritual traditions, service generally refers to selfless acts that benefit others. Many traditions converge on the importance of service as a means to cultivate compassion and connection. However, they diverge in their specific motivations and methods for service.

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Helpfulness

conduct

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Effort

conduct

Effort refers to the exertion of will or energy towards a goal in spiritual growth. Many traditions converge on the importance of balance and mindfulness in effort. They diverge in the degree and nature of effort required for spiritual progress.

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Example

conduct

The topic of example encompasses models or illustrations of spiritual principles. Traditions converge in recognizing examples as essential for understanding and applying these principles. However, they diverge in the types of examples and contexts considered most relevant.

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Obedience

conduct

Obedience refers to submission to a higher authority or divine will across world spiritual traditions. Various traditions converge on the importance of obedience as a means to attain spiritual growth and unity. They diverge in their interpretations and expectations of obedience, offering unique perspectives on its role and significance.

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Discipline

conduct

Discipline refers to the practice of cultivating self-control and mindfulness across various spiritual traditions. These traditions converge in emphasizing the importance of discipline for spiritual growth and self-awareness. They diverge in their specific methods and philosophies, offering unique perspectives on the role of discipline in achieving spiritual goals.

+20 more in conduct →

emotion

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Emotions

emotion

Emotions are recognized as a fundamental aspect of the human experience across spiritual traditions. Many traditions converge on the idea that emotions can both hinder and help spiritual growth. However, traditions diverge in their understanding and approaches to emotions, offering unique perspectives on their role and management.

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Desire

emotion

Across world spiritual traditions, desire refers to a fundamental drive or longing that shapes human experience. Many traditions converge on the idea that desire can be a source of suffering, yet also a catalyst for growth. They diverge, however, in their perspectives on the nature and role of desire in the pursuit of spiritual wisdom.

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Suffering

emotion

Across world spiritual traditions, suffering refers to experiences of hardship, pain, and distress. Many traditions converge on the idea that suffering can be a catalyst for spiritual growth and self-reflection. However, they diverge in their explanations of its causes and the paths to alleviating it.

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Fear

emotion

Across spiritual traditions, fear is understood as a fundamental human emotion. Many traditions converge on the idea that fear hinders spiritual growth. They diverge in their approaches to overcoming fear, offering unique perspectives.

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Peace

emotion

Across spiritual traditions, peace refers to a state of inner harmony and balance. Many traditions converge on the idea that peace is a fundamental human aspiration. They diverge in their paths and definitions of achieving peace.

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Happiness

emotion

Across world spiritual traditions, happiness is a multifaceted concept encompassing emotional, mental, and spiritual well-being. Many traditions converge on the idea that happiness arises from living a virtuous and meaningful life. However, they diverge in their specific approaches and emphases, offering unique perspectives on the nature and attainment of happiness.

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Longing

emotion

Longing refers to a profound emotional and spiritual yearning across world traditions. Traditions converge in recognizing longing as a fundamental human experience. They diverge in interpreting its purpose and resolution.

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Pain

emotion

Pain is a universal human experience addressed across spiritual traditions. Many traditions converge on the idea that pain can be a catalyst for growth and transformation. They diverge, however, in their perspectives on the nature and purpose of pain.

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Grief

emotion

Grief is a universal human experience addressed across world spiritual traditions. Many traditions converge on the idea that grief is a natural process. They diverge in their perspectives on its purpose and resolution.

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Loneliness

emotion

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moral

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Sin

moral

Across world spiritual traditions, sin refers to acts or states that separate individuals from the divine or higher power. Many traditions converge on the idea that sin leads to suffering and disconnection. However, they diverge on the nature and consequences of sin, offering unique perspectives.

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Purity

moral

Purity refers to a state of being untainted by imperfections. Traditions converge on its importance for spiritual growth, but diverge on its meaning. They offer unique perspectives on achieving purity.

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Righteousness

moral

Across world spiritual traditions, righteousness generally refers to moral uprightness and a commitment to doing what is right. Many traditions converge on the importance of cultivating virtues like compassion and justice. However, they diverge on the specifics, offering unique perspectives on what it means to live a righteous life.

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Evil

moral

Across world spiritual traditions, evil often refers to a force or entity opposing goodness. Many traditions converge on the idea that evil is a destructive or malevolent presence. However, they diverge in their interpretations and understanding of its nature and role.

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Lust

moral

Lust refers to intense desire, often associated with physical or sensual attraction. Many spiritual traditions converge on the idea that lust can be a hindrance to spiritual growth. However, they diverge in their perspectives on how to manage or transcend lust, offering unique approaches to balancing human desire with spiritual aspirations.

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Virtue

moral

Virtue refers to moral excellence across spiritual traditions. Traditions converge on the importance of cultivating virtues for personal growth. They diverge in specific virtues and practices.

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Forgiveness

moral

Across world spiritual traditions, forgiveness refers to the act of letting go of negative emotions and energies. Many traditions converge on the idea that forgiveness is essential for personal healing and spiritual growth. However, they diverge in their approaches and interpretations, offering unique perspectives on the practice and significance of forgiveness.

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Untruth

moral

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Self-Pride

moral

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Morality

moral

Morality refers to principles guiding right behavior across spiritual traditions. Traditions converge on the importance of compassion and empathy. They diverge in specific moral codes and philosophical foundations.

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